Brussels: Europe and the Arabs
On the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of the expansion of the European Union in 2004 with the inclusion of new countries, Charles Michel, President of the Council of the European Union, said through a statement issued in Brussels, “The fall of the Iron Curtain gave rise to the great enlargement. It brought ten new member states to our Union. The year 2004 witnessed the reunification of the divided continent.” Today, twenty years later, war has returned to Europe and once again, the next wave of expansion represents a rendezvous with history, and a geopolitical necessity.
In the early 2000s, we were still excited by the hope generated by the collapse of the Soviet empire. It was, you remember, the “end of history,” we thought, the final rise of democracies heralded by Fukuyama and others.
One superpower, the United States, has dominated the world. And a new power—not yet a “superpower”—was emerging and everyone was watching with admiration and excitement: China. This was the atmosphere at that time, the peace project in peacetime. Since 2004, 13 new members have joined our association.
Looking back, what were the motivations behind this great accession? For the new member states, there was a strong desire to become part of this world of freedom and prosperity. They will no longer be the western part of the East, but the eastern part of the West.
“Europe” was more than just geography, “Europe” was an idea, a dream, a journey, and a beacon of hope.
We must never forget the determination of the candidate countries at that time. You have made accession your North Star and aligned your policies and hearts with this common strategic goal. It was amazing.
On the other hand, what motivated the European Union? It was our moral duty to heed the call of history, but it was also in our strategic interest. At the time, many doubted the EU's ability to integrate the populations and economies of more than 100 million people. But we rose to the challenge by being smart and practical. And by building transformations, for example in agriculture and mobility.
The major expansion in 2004 was a transformative event for our continent. For new members, joining the EU family has been a powerful engine for greater prosperity, and the impressive rise in their GDP is the best evidence of this.
In the European Union, “Great Enlargement” has given us more global influence. Our internal market is the largest in the world, and we have become the second largest global trading power in goods, after China and ahead of the United States. This has given us greater weight and a stronger position in international forums such as the G7 and G20. And more influence in strengthening our democratic values and social and environmental standards.
The optimism of 2004 seems long gone. Today we face three major shocks.
First, the shock facing our natural world: climate change and biodiversity.
Second, the technology shock: the digital revolution and artificial intelligence and their impact on our societies.
And third, the shock of the chaotic geopolitical transition.
The world is moving from a single superpower to a multipolar system. The European Union is one of the three largest blocs in the world. Inward-looking tendencies are shaped in different ways – through protectionism, nationalism, survival of the fittest, and so on.
The current rules-based system is certainly not perfect, but it is supposed to play a stabilizing role. Today this world order is being shaken and this is happening here on our European soil. Russia is waging war against the sovereign state of Ukraine. Russia's war is not limited to the skies and trenches of Ukraine.
The European Union, its candidate countries, and even Africa are subject to mixed attacks from the Kremlin. Migrants, money and fake news are being used by Russia to destabilize. The Kremlin has a clear goal: to crush the European dream. Why? Because the Kremlin is terrified of freedom and democracy on its doorstep.
The European Union has a lot to do. Nearly half a billion people live in developed societies. Our Union is an economic, scientific, innovative and cultural giant, and with future expansions and greater sovereignty, it will become even stronger.
The EU is also the largest area of freedom and opportunity on the planet, we have a positive image in the world and are seen as an honest player, with no hidden agenda and ready to work with anyone. This allows us to play a positive, respectful and stabilizing role in global governance.
But we must avoid the trap of double standards. Every human civil life has the same value, and all peoples have the same right to freedom and dignity. In Ukraine, in the Middle East, or anywhere else in the world.
For decades, we have taken peace, security, and prosperity for granted, and at the same time, we have become overly dependent. Concerning energy from Russia, vital raw materials from China, and even defense from the United States. We have allowed a dangerous gap to develop between our competitiveness and that of our major competitors. So, now we have to make up for lost time.

We have a strategy: it is called European sovereignty or Strategic autonomy. Sovereignty means getting stronger, more influential, and being more in control of our destiny. 
Our sovereignty is based on 3 pillars: 
First, democratic values and democratic principles: dignity, this is the foundation of this political common project
Second, we must build a strong and more competitive economy. The Single Market has been neglected, we must free its full potential. Talking about a geopolitical Union is not enough we must take action: less red tape, less reports, less monitoring, less suspicion and more trust and freedom for our entrepreneurs. Deepening our Capital Markets Union is also essential. Every year, some 300 billion euros of our citizens’ savings flee to the US, and are not invested here at home. Competitiveness and a true Capital Markets Union — this must be the first task of the next European Commission. 
And third, we must build our defence readiness. We all understand that security and defence are not theoretical, and it is important to develop our own tools, our own capability  and reinforce our industrial defence capacity. We must invest more in Europe and develop European flagship projects, like the Iron Dome, for instance. 
Enlargement is a cornerstone of our sovereignty strategy and we, candidate countries and EU Institutions, have a lot of work to do. And I repeat my strong belief: we must be ready — on both sides — by 2030 to enlarge. For candidate countries, this means making the necessary reforms and solving all bilateral disputes. On the EU side, it means reforming our programs and budgets, and our decision-making. 
The European Council is discussing these issues in the context of our strategic agenda and of our internal reform programme.
I would like to highlight three points from our enlargement experience.  
First, we must live up to our shared political ambition, with steely determination and bring our people, and their hearts, with us.
Second, there is a common European interest which is much more than the sum of our national interests.
Third, let’s imagine for a moment how would a smaller and weaker EU, with only 15 member states, have faced Russia’s war against Ukraine? A new Iron Curtain in the East would have emerged, Russia would have occupied these countries — at least ideologically and politically and the EU would have been much more vulnerable. It is chilling to imagine. 
Conclusion
Unity and solidarity, these are always our best assets. In 2004, our predecessors understood the scale of the challenge, their goal was to reunite a continent scarred by centuries of war and division. 
Today, the test of our generation is to make this Europe stronger, more sovereign, more influential, more integrated, and even more united. We are on the doorstep of another historic moment for our Union, we have a date with history, let’s take it with both hands.