Before we begin;

"Elections are not an end in themselves, but rather a means to establish credible institutions that serve the interests of citizens and defend the nation's causes."

Mohammed VI, King of Morocco

Now then;

Here in Rabat, we are living in the era following the Moroccan Interior Minister's announcement that he would raise the stakes of the challenge from within Parliament against anyone who accuses him of partisan favoritism. He called on anyone with even a single piece of evidence to present it, and Laftit would be ready to resign immediately. Because keeping one's word is a virtue, I have chosen to engage Abdelouafi in a constitutional debate. I will question him about the meaning of his innocence of partisan favoritism, while he is mired in suspicion of administrative cover-up of a serious criminal case related to human trafficking involving the three ruling parties. I will also inquire about the meaning of tightening measures against electoral corruption, while Laftit is stalling the administrative investigation into parties that have brandished the weapon of post-dated checks, thus disfiguring the face of the fledgling democratic experiment. Indeed, the term "electoral enslavement" is perhaps the most apt description of the heinousness of this organized political crime. The Minister of the Interior has gone to great lengths to bury the related judicial referral, No. 51295/2024, perhaps out of bias in favor of the ruling troika. And since I am suffering from a profound inability to accept the credibility of the challenge, which has been raised to such a degree, after the objective became confused with the subjective, I have no choice but to reiterate the suspicions surrounding the forced voting and the electoral trafficking of human beings. This primitive process, which inflicts its criminal depravity upon the ballot box of constitutional democratic choice, renders it black and dusty, like a tarnished vessel.

Therefore, here is my indictment of the Minister of the losing challenge, on suspicion of his bias in favor of the parties against the law, which may constitute a stain on the reputation of the Minister of the Interior. That is because... When his response regarding the investigation into the suspicions of parties lacking constitutional and national conscience was buried, it was revealed that these parties, with utmost persistence and vigilance, and in full view of Abdelwafi, have been playing a reckless game, manipulating the credibility of elected institutions. Through cunning partisan maneuvering, they have undermined the very essence of constitutional democratic choice.

How, then, will the Minister of the Interior describe his refusal to cooperate with a judicial referral concerning the consolidation of legal administrative governance, if not as proof of his complicity in serious criminal practices that have taken place within elected institutions?! Indeed, the fledgling democratic process has been dragged into the brutality of intimidation, subjugation, and forced voting, which has corrupted the desired credibility. Furthermore, doesn't his blessing of the "guarantee checks" ritual, and its deviations from the provisions of the constitution, perhaps constitute the ultimate proof of the Interior Minister's lack of impartiality?! Beyond the mere rhetoric of debate, I would label the practices of the Minister of the Interior as flawed, suspicious, and unconstitutional. This necessitates his resignation, whether during the political arena or the electoral silence. Those suspected of organized partisan crimes enjoy a blatant administrative cover. Meanwhile, the Minister of Defiance disregards the reputation of the democratic choice, which, thanks to the supreme royal guarantee, has become one of the solid foundations upon which the esteemed Moroccan nation rests.

Or, tell us, Mr. Abdelouafi, about three fat parties that receive checks from the lean ones. Don't suspicions of distorting political action and diluting the free voting process surround them? With the intention of illegitimately seizing the collective decision-making power of elected institutions?! Moreover, how can your freezing of the complaint referred to the Ministry of the Interior by the Public Prosecutor's Office not be interpreted as a form of providing administrative protection to those suspected of electoral corruption through human trafficking?! This is contrary to the provisions of the Constitution, which has enshrined human rights in the highest esteem among the obligations of this trustworthy Moroccan nation.

And now, Mr. Abdelouafi, tell us, who lends credibility to your challenges?! Or can you expose the partisan affiliation of the known check collector by launching an administrative investigation before the "guarantee checks" trick becomes dominant in the conditions of a high democratic vote?! Or are you, Mr. Minister of the Interior… Perhaps they will simply legitimize the organizations that traffic in human beings for electoral gain, accumulating easy profits for parliamentary seats?! This is a profound argument; it questions the very mind of the Ministry of the Interior, asking why it remains so strangely silent in the face of suspicions of organized political crime.

And don't be surprised if Abdelouafi doesn't fulfill his promise to resign, despite the overwhelming evidence we present to him, which exposes the Ministry of the Interior's silence. Perhaps he already intended, before even appearing in Parliament, to fabricate the illusion of administrative neutrality and to assume the role of an unconstitutional spokesperson for the state. Therefore, I will not share Laftit's illusions of a losing battle. Because I refuse to allow the scales of constitutional democratic choice to be tipped by injustice and deception, under the threat of partisan business checks. Yes, I refuse, without hesitation, to allow the indicators of democratic values ​​to be held hostage by the major players in the "electoral opportunism" market. These narratives, presented in the novel "Mother of Arguments," dismantle the mysteries of the ultimate challenge. They exhaust the soothsayer of electoral amulets, whose actions are suspect due to blatant partisanship and what has been done to undermine democratic choice. For, with the support of the law, we have not—and will not—waver in our resistance to this comprador class that disregards rights, based on a compelling constitutional argument. 

While awaiting the moment when Laftit's failed challenges will be met with his promised resignation, it must be emphasized that administrative burial will not prevent legal action. I stand with those who stand for the nation, democracy, and the rule of law, striving to cleanse the elections of the money laundering gangs. We await the decisive judicial response that will safeguard the fate of the constitutional democratic choice. We will continue our journey with true patriotism and just constitutional citizenship, pursuing noble goals, for our political memory is alive, and our resolve is unwavering. So, Abdelouafi Laftit, gather your strength and submit your resignation. The suspicion of human trafficking hangs heavy on you!

Abdelmajid Moumiros
Moroccan poet and writer